Nexus or Harari, the visionary

What a biography! The range of this great thinker extends from “Sapiens – a brief History of Mankind” to “Nexus – A Brief History of Information Networks from the Stone Age to AI”, which means that it embraces three centuries of European intellectual history. While “Sapiens”, the great early work, was still imbued with that euphoria of progress and science, or at least with that amazement at its demiurgic achievements that we already know from Francis Bacon in the early 17th century, “Nexus” surprises us with its radical skepticism.

However, I am not so convinced that this skepticism, no, this massive pessimism, should be the result of the misuse of artificial intelligence. In terms of its unpredictability and foreseeable apocalyptic consequences, I believe that the nuclear threat goes far beyond the danger that Harari ascribes to AI. According to the Israeli thinker, artificial intelligence will dig the grave of democracy. This may be perfectly true, but a nuclear first strike end the expected answer would not only end democracy, but most likely all life on our planet. The role AI meanwhile plays in the nuclear field as well, tends to be overlooked. Since warning times for a first strike are becoming increasingly shorter with ever faster supersonic ballistic missiles, governments lack the time to distinguish between false alarms and an actual attack. Today already, it is AI that evaluates the data from sensors distributed across the country and the satellite belt. Mankind’s very survival depends on its reliability.

In other words, the misuse through falsification and distortion of information, which according to Harari endangers democracy, is just one of the many dangerous consequences of AI. The world has, however, become accustomed to the nuclear threat and is studiously repressing it, while artificial intelligence is a fascinating novelty that captivates everyone and in addition brings substantial progress in areas such as medicine.

It seems fair to say that in his book “Sapiens”, Harari still made himself the mouthpiece of that modern-day substitute for religion that now goes by the name of “science”. Its most prominent representative is undoubtedly Elon Musk, whose euphoria is reminiscent of the behavior of a close relative of ours, namely the gorilla, who, in moments of great excitement, drums his chest with enthusiasm. Recently, we have seen the American imitate this ancestor by throwing both arms in the air in exuberant ecstasy uttering primeval sounds as a tribute to his success. Musk is the high priest of the new religion of science. However, unlike the representatives of past religious narratives, he promises us neither paradise here and now nor some garden Eden in the hereafter – in fact, he promises hell. Since, as he repeatedly emphasized, we may be facing physical extinction down here, he wants to catapult us to Mars. Nor does he seem to be troubled by the fact, familiar to every serious scientist, that we can neither breathe on this barren planet nor harvest anything to fill our stomachs. He doesn’t care that the temperature on Mars rarely reaches five degrees Celsius, but is usually around minus one hundred. In other words, the false scientific pope tells us the purest lies, against all better judgment – out of pure infatuation with his beloved and indeed surprising technical toys.

In Harari’s book “Nexus”, there is almost no trace left of any scientific euphoria – whether false or justified. Nevertheless, it is not Harari’s fear of an almost omnipotent artificial intelligence that ultimately makes man its slave and destroys democracy that makes his latest work a stroke of genius. With playful ease – never pedantic, never viscous, never trying to impress the reader with his own learning – the author manages to explain the most difficult concepts so effortlessly and in such simple and clear language, that we can only admire him for this seemingly effortless art, so rare especially in Germany. He summarizes our entire knowledge about nature and man in the overarching concept of “information” that he divides into the two halves of “order” and “truth”. Information qua truth comprises our objective knowledge of nature, which stems as little from human willfulness as nature itself. In contrast, order represents knowledge that has been created by man himself and is not found in outward nature. In Hararis own words: “The information humans exchange about intersubjective things doesn’t represent anything that had already existed prior to the exchange of information; rather, the exchange of information creates these things.”

Information qua order refers to all ideological, religious and other narratives that weld people into communities with a common world view. Others have spoken of “knowledge” instead of “information” and contrasted knowledge about nature with our knowledge of people and society. The contrast between the two forms of information or knowledge is that in each case we ask very different questions. The sciences of nature distinguish between true and untrue because our statements about nature are either true or false. Our knowledge of people and society stored in narratives has to do with moral or aesthetic values. It is about good versus evil or morally indifferent, or about beautiful versus ugly or aesthetically neutral.

As I said, this dichotomy is not Harari’s personal finding; we encounter it throughout the history of philosophy. To ensure order, Plato recommended a state-preserving lie in his Politeia, namely that the different classes were made of different metals depending on their rank, starting with gold for the highest of them. German intellectual history, up to Dilthey, emphasizes the contrast between the humanities and the natural sciences. But Harari manages to throw the entire historical burden overboard and start from scratch, so to speak, in a completely unbiased but clairvoyant way. He presents the opposition between “truth” and “order” as an ultimately unresolvable contradiction.

We all know that the narrative of order deliberately suppressed truth when the latter threatened to undermine it. The example of Galileo went down in history, but he is only one among the countless heretics whose true or sometimes merely supposed insights threatened to undermine an existing narrative and thus an existing order. The resulting divisions in the community were seen as much more dangerous than the potential gain of true knowledge (in the case of Galileo, only a handful of intellectual contemporaries were interested in his findings anyway). The same consideration underlies the resistance of the so-called creationists to the findings of Charles Darwin, though long considered irrefutable. In their eyes, the destruction of biblical authority and the community united by it cannot be offset by the small gain that arises from the realization that we share a common family tree with monkeys. The contemporary Putin regime selectively adheres to objective truth insofar as it serves the development of weapons with ever greater destructive power. But like the former Soviet Union it prohibits any scientific knowledge that stands in the way of its current narrative to be fully in the right when forcing its own supposedly far superior moral order on neighboring peoples, even in the most bloody way.

On the one hand, information qua order suppresses information qua  truth when the latter threates to dissolve it. But the opposite also constitutes an evident historical reality. All over the world, religions and ideologies have had to give up one dogma after another under the onslaught of science (information qua truth). In the name of truth, Voltaire and the Enlightenment philosophers in his wake ridiculed religions. They and, to an even greater extent, the great apostles of progress in the nineteenth century – one thinks, for example, of Ludwig Büchner, the brother of the great Georg Büchner – resembled Elon Musk in their naive conviction that in the age of science, all questions would eventually be answered and all puzzles solved – answers and questions to which religions knew no answers or only false ones. Today, however, we know – and Harari is able to convince the reader of this basic fact, namely that this expectation is not only deceptive but simply false. Our values and the narratives with which we justify them cannot be derived from nature. They are not part of objective reality that exists outside of ourselves, but are produced by ourselves. Even if we could statistically prove that 90 percent of all people of our and previous generations prefer to live in peace with others rather than wage war or commit murder, there would still be 10 percent who see their own advantage in going against the majority and are willing to fight and kill to do so. In this way, Hitler and Putin forced the narrative of hatred and annihilation in the name of the supposedly good narrative they invented on Germans and Russians, respectively.

Narratives are the instruments of order. As human beings, we are free and therefore remain unpredictable for our fellow human beings as long as we are not connected by a common narrative, i.e. by a religion, an ideology or other spiritual-emotional content. We must believe in this order-giving content because it does not belong to the realm of scientifically verifiable truths. This means that nolens volens we will always remain the inventors of social narratives, because that is what binds humans together. In our time, these narratives are predominantly of a secular nature. They are concealed, for example, in the ethical principles of a constitution, but also in those of each individual business enterprise. To the people who live with them, such principles appear to be a rational necessity, e.g. to run a business successfully. But rationality itself is always in the service of ethical imperatives, which as such are rationally unjustifiable. Only because a modern company sees a desirable goal in ceaselessly producing and being competitive does the rationality demanded by it come into play. There have been societies in the past, and there will undoubtedly be new ones in the future, that pursue completely different goals and therefore realize them with a different rationality.

In my view, the extraordinary contribution of Nexus, the latest book by Juval Noah Harari, is based on this realization of an existential freedom that exists beyond all truth arising from the objective knowledge of nature. With an incredibly light touch and the mastery of a philosopher who, like a child, asks the really important questions for the first time, he deals a greater blow to today’s science religion than David Hume, Immanuel Kant or Karl Popper. However, unlike the global success “Sapiens”, “Nexus” demands more than just amazement from its readers, it demands active thinking, which – as the thesis of his book shows – is capable of shaking some of his certainties. Thinking being less popular than marveling, I would be surprised if Harari reaches as many readers with this philosophical masterpiece as he did with Sapiens, his winged gallop through world history.

Israel and Ukraine – about wars of princes and wars of faith

The 1949 Geneva Convention defined war crimes by setting out specific rules on how wars may not be waged under any circumstances. Protecting civilians is the top priority. This agreement was a great attempt to secure fundamental human rights. However, the effort was doomed to failure from the outset.

Until about the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, princes were constantly at war with each other, and not only in Europe. This was because wars served to expand their power. They defeated opposing troops in order to expand their territory and enhance their food base. It was not in the interest of these lords by the grace of God to destroy the food base itself, that is, the eighty to ninety-five percent of the food-producing peasantry. To be sure, peasants often suffered terribly under enemy occupation, and they were regularly squeezed dry by their own masters (see Huizinga: The Waning of the Middle Ages), but none of the warlords aimed to destroy them. In this way, a majority of the civilian population was relatively protected.

But in addition to the wars of the princes, which were fought between knights or mercenaries and used to be comparatively harmless in terms of the number of victims, there always existed, and still exist, the wars of faith. The Christian crusaders in Palestine waded knee-deep in blood because Muslims were pagans and thus damned by God to hell anyway. A little later, Muslims invaded India and wreaked even more havoc there than the Christian crusaders. “The Muslim conquest of India,” says the great US-American historian Will Durant, “is probably the bloodiest event in world history. It is a discouraging story because it conveys the obvious insight that civilization is always at risk.” It is said that Sultan Ahmad Shah celebrated for three days every time the number of Hindus slaughtered in one day exceeded twenty thousand.

The war against Ukraine was initially a classic example of princely war. A Russian dictator named Vladimir Putin found himself in agreement withZbigniew Brzeziński, the author of “The Grand Chess Game”, that without Ukraine, Russia would no longer be an empire. For this reason the man in the Kremlin decided that this country had to come back under Russian rule. This did not appear to be difficult either, since Putin had originally referred to the Ukrainians as “Russian brothers”, whose God-given historical destiny implied their obedient submission to Russian leadership. But it came as a big surprise to Russia and the rest of the world that from the outset Ukraine put up fierce resistance to this annexation. This unexpected reaction was to produce a change of heart in the Russian dictator. The war of princes turned into a war of faith – outwardly recognizable by the fact that the Ukrainian brothers and sisters now became neo-fascist outcasts, against whom a war of extermination could be waged in good conscience.

The war that Iran and its henchmen, Hamas and Hezbollah, are waging against Israel is a war of faith too. Iran is not threatened by Israel, nor does it share a border with that country. The usual reasons for a war are simply absent. However, the Shiite mullah regime is a pariah within a big majority of Sunni countries. By fomenting hatred of Israel and providing its vassals with weapons to destroy it, the Iranian leaders gained the recognition of the Muslim world. This advantage seemed suddenly to be lost when Israel established diplomatic relations with most of its Muslim neighbors creating a normal relationship. Iran could not allow this to happen. In order to drive once again a wedge between Israel and the Islamic world, it incited Hamas to carry out its bloody attack on October 7 – an orgy of wanton brutality. Despite all the harshness against Muslims in the West Bank and the attacks by settlers, secular Israel has never waged a religious war against its Muslim neighbors, except for a minority of right-wing fanatics and Orthodox Jews.

Why is the country of Israel nevertheless taking the toughest possible line against its attackers? Why have more than ten thousand civilians in Gaza already had to die?

Israel’s war against its enemies falls into a special category. It is neither a war of faith nor a war of princes, but a war in which a miniature state is simply fighting for its survival. The Geneva Convention has declared the bombing of hospitals, schools and other civilian facilities to be a war crime. Since Israel has destroyed such targets on a large scale, there are growing calls to prosecute Israel for constantly committing such crimes. The idealistic authors of the convention did not foresee that the bombing of civilian facilities could become an imperative for survival.

Violating the convention becomes unavoidable when the enemy uses civilian facilities to hide rocket bases or command centers within them. If a country deliberately exposes its own population as a human shield and hostage, who is to blame when a hospital is bombed – the calculating hostage-maker or the enemy that destroys the military base but also the population thus misused? No matter how you twist the provisions of the convention, the abuse of its own civilian population by Hamas and Hezbollah is no less inhumane than the annihilation of innocent women and children by Israeli forces. It is already foreseeable that the abuse of civilians as living shields for military installations will become the norm in future wars.

Wars between princes have become rare in our time. It is only the new Russian Tsar, who still behaves as princes used to do when he tries to force former Soviet vassal countries, now independent states, back under the Russian yoke (because the collapse of the Soviet Union was, from his point of view, the “greatest catastrophe of the twentieth century”). In democratic countries, power no longer lies with a tsar or ruler by the grace of God, but with the elected representatives of the people. The nationalism that emerged with the industrial revolution had to turn the former war of princes into a war of nations, which then took on the typical coloration of wars of faith. Since then, enemy nations are branded as ideological foes: they are considered inferior races, fascists, communists, Jews or some other kind of subhumans.

Why do wars happen at all? Wouldn’t it be possible to avoid them altogether? Decent German peace researchers use to have a firm opinion on this matter. Humans must remain in communication with each other, they insist, then wars will be averted. Interestingly, this message comes from Peking as well. All problems can be solved through negotiations – this is a constant Chinese mantra. Unfortunately, it is a product of hypocrisy as well, because at the same time, Beijing insists on red lines that on principle can and will never be subject to negotiations. There can be no talks about Tibet, about Xin Jiang, about Taiwan and about Beijing’s complete sovereignty in the South China Sea. (1) It seems, brave German peace researchers have left out one point that happens to be the most important of all, namely that the beginning of a war regularly consists of categorically rejecting all talk and all negotiation.

Wars of faith are not ended by talks but by decisive victories or the total exhaustion of the opponent. For the time being, Putin is not interested in talks that may require any concessions from his side. Instead, he is very adept at using the threat of nuclear war to scare the West. Just as Hitler saw only weakness in the attempts of the Allies to appease him and became even more aggressive, so Putin too takes advantage of his opponents‘ fear. For three quarters of a century, the sword of Damocles, the threat of nuclear holocaust, has been hanging over the globe. It will certainly not be averted by appeasement, but only by all parties reminding each other of what will happen to them if they actually use this terrible achievement of our relentless “progress”. Fortunately, the Russian military know about this just as well as their American counterpart. The war against Ukraine will end neither through threat nor appeasement nor through the unequivocal victory of either side but most likely because of utter exhaustion. For the sake of that brave country and its president I hope that Western aid will eventually lead to Russia’s collapse and to a palace revolution against Vladimir Putin. However, this is by no means certain. In Europe, Russia’s threats are having a clear impact, and we know that potential President Donald Trump has a pronounced weakness for dictators like Kim Jong-un and the Russian tsar as he would so much like to be one himself.

And how will Israel’s war for survival end? Wouldn’t it have been avoidable if Israel had opted for a two-state solution in time? And wouldn’t Netanyahu have been able to free the hostages and avoid the war spreading to Lebanon, perhaps even to Iran, if he had done what a significant part of the Israeli population has long been calling on him, namely make a truce with Hamas? Certainly. Peace would then be secured for a year or two. But this would have been a transitory peace at best, because, as I said before, the bloody mullah regime in Iran derives much of its political prestige in the Islamic world from its enmity towards Israel. The regime would have misused a premature peace to quietly rearm Hamas and Hezbollah. The State of Israel would have gained nor more than a breathing space, but meanwhile the danger to its survival would have grown exponentially as Iran’s holy warriors are quite near the point where they will have their own weapons of nuclear mass destruction.

Netanyahu’s unyielding tenacity certainly has something to do with his political survival, but I do understand that this man seeks at all costs to prevent the further strengthening of Iran and its fanatical followers. If the Israeli prime minister succeeds in destroying Iran’s nuclear facilities – which, however, can only be done with special bunker busters from the US – then Israel may hope for peace and quiet, at least for the next ten to fifteen years.

Unfortunately, wars are never ended by better insight or the well-intentioned advice of German peace researchers, but as a rule only by a clear victory or mutual exhaustion (see Jörn Leonhard: Über Kriege und wie man sie beendet – On Wars and How to End Them). Hamas’s resistance has now been virtually eliminated, Hezbollah has been decapitated several times and is already largely incapable of fighting. The question remains whether Netanyahu will succeed in weakening Iran, the country that is actually behind the war, to the point of surrender. Iran’s two rocket attacks have given him the necessary justification to do so.

But will Israel then win peace? Unfortunately, that is by no means certain. Its enemies calculated correctly when they sacrificed their own people in order to then direct outrage at Israel. Israel has made itself hated all over the world. Anti-Semitism is flaring up everywhere. Jews are emigrating from the United States and also from Europe to the State of Israel, where they still feel safer despite all that rocket fire. How can Israel counter this hatred?

To do so, it would have to turn the military victory against its enemies into a political one. The country would have to apply the same medicine as the USA did after the Second World War when dealing with defeated Germany. The Americans treated their former enemies with utmost generosity, thus quickly rebuilding trust. Only in this way, seems a lasting peace seems possible at all. Precisely because tiny Israel has so far been so superior to its enemies, nationalist triumphalism or even further expansion would definitely poison relations with neighboring countries – including Sunnis.

And of course one thing must not be forgotten either. Not only the Jews, but also the Palestinians are threatened in their survival. The Gaza Strip is a kind of open-air prison, the West Bank has not been a place where the local population can feel at home since the UN decided to establish the state of Israel in 1947. However, we Germans should keep our mouths shut, because it was the Holocaust, the murder of six million Jews, which – in the eyes of the Jews and the world public – forced the founding of the state of Israel. One terrible crime thus sets in motion an endless chain of measures, which in turn result in great wrongs.

1. See Thomas Gomart: L’accélération de l’histoire. “At the end of August 2023, the Chinese Ministry of Natural Resources published the ‘National Map of China’, which violated the borders of India, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam, Taiwan and even Russia, and triggered fierce protests. On this document, Taiwan is an integral part of the PRC.”

All against all: the cyberwar against truth and reason

(section taken from my yet unpublished new book »Homo Faber – what holodoxy tells us about the future of man«)

Hardly any thinking person today would still claim that the „progress“ of weapons technology makes the world a better let alone safer place, but this was precisely the prediction made with regard to the internet and the social media. The interconnectedness of all with all appeared to its creators as a promise of worldwide dissemination of truth and knowledge. The fact that everyone could now express their opinions and that these could, in prin­ciple, be heard by everyone else on the globe was even hailed as the dawn of a new global democracy.

All against all: the cyberwar against truth and reason weiterlesen

The unresolved Challenge of Freedom

Not long ago, politicians and even some scientists tried to convince us that democracy would soon spread throughout the world, as if history were following some kind of teleological law. Historical evidence has always argued against such a view, but reason and our feelings of right and wrong seemed clearly in favor of it. Must it not seem much more desirable to every rational and justice-seeking person to take an active and participatory part in political affairs rather than to follow the dictates of a government that decides over his head? Doesn’t such an attitude make democracy an imperative?

The unresolved Challenge of Freedom weiterlesen